Wednesday, December 7, 2011

Week 14- Inside Toyland

Inequality in the workplace

"Inside Toyland" discusses the differences of race, ethnicity, class, and gender in two different types of toystores. Diamond Toys is for more affluent classes, with mostly white women working. In the Toy Wearhouse, there were more African-American workers, but they were only in the back. Men were the managers.

In my workplace, I don't see too much inequality, as I am the only worker. I babysit for a middle-class family and can still see elements of inequality. Their mom talks about who they prefer to have babysit, but usually in reference to age of the young adult babysitting. I've read about social inequality in regard to Nannies in the LA region. Affluent families tended to hire Hispanic women at low wages to work and clean for them. They were not treated well, and had little respect. In my job, the family treats me well, respects me, and is very flexible. As I take the girls places, I see how their preferences of middle class products play out. They don't like McDonalds. They also like to be a part of decisions, thus reflecting the middle-class child rearing techiniques of concerted cultivation discussed by Lareau in "Unequal Childhoods."

Week 13: Race & Ethnicity, Social Class and Education

Race & Ethnicity: C&S: Duran 297-310, BB:  Perry
Social Class and Education: BB: Julie Bettie, BB: Aries and Seidier

Race and Class, like Gender, are both omnipresent identities. In school, teachers respond to them. Perry talks about the culture of whiteness and how it is relayed in Valley Grove High School and Clavey High School.

In my Self and Society class, we read Lareau's book, Unequal Childhoods, which discusses two different types of child-rearing, linked to class and race. Middle-class (typically white) families used concerted cultivation to raise their kids. This type of child rearing allowed the kids a say in family affairs. Institutions (like school) tend to favor this type. These kids have a sense of entitlement and know how to manipulate these institutions, but are less independent. Lower-class families employ methods that teach kids how to be more independent and respectful of authority.

Sunday, November 27, 2011

Urban Legends- Candyman

Urban legends are a reflection of fears in society. In the movie, Candyman, a graduate student is doing a study on the urban legend of Candyman- a serial killer, explained here:



In the beginning of the movie, Helen walks into a lecture hall at the University of Chicago, during which the professor is talking about urban legends and the sociological concepts associated with them. Helen doesn’t believe in the legend of Candyman and is studying him to solve the crime and to further develop the theories out there about urban legends. Obviously, Helen doesn’t believe in Candyman, but the people she interviews do and the consequences of the serial killer and its legend are real. The people respond to the legend and the fear associated with it causes people to act differently. As Helen gets more involved with the legend and the people, the more personal it gets and she begins fearing Candyman herself. Once she fears Candyman, there are more consequences—and deaths. According to Joel Best and Gerald T Horiuchi, “Urban legends, like collective behavior and social problems construction, are responses to social strain, shaped by the perception of the threat and social organization.” The urban legend of Candyman is a response to the threat of the serial killer and deaths that occurred mostly in the projects in the Chicago area in the movie. That, and the movie is a scary movie which portrays the urban legend as real, potentially perpetuating society’s fears and urban legends.

Institutional Selves

Institutional selves- Psych episode
In this episode of “Psych”, Shawn (the psychic cop) goes undercover into a mental hospital as a patient in order to try to prove that another patient should not be ‘not guilty’ of murder by reason of insanity. As we discussed in class, it is difficult for a patient who has been committed into a mental institution (a Total Institution) to create their own identity. Rather, every action and behavior of the patient is used to support the “sick” identity placed on the patient by doctors and nurses. In Shawn’s case, even though he is not actually a patient, few people actually know this. His behavior is seen as outside of the norm and supports his (fake) diagnosis. At one point he is even put into isolation and strapped down because the nurses believe he is sick. Because he is in the institution, it is hard for him to keep his identity as sane and normal. When a murder happens on-site, Shawn tells the nurses that he is a cop, but because they believe he is insane, they believe this behavior is just part of him being sick and don’t believe Shawn, even though he is telling the truth. Similarly, it is even harder for Shawn to prove that the other patient is sane and faking sick because he has already been committed into the institution and given the identity of being insane. At the end of the episode, Shawn requires someone else to vouch for him and to explain that he really is a cop and is not insane.

Wednesday, November 9, 2011

Week 12: Gender, Race

C&S: Thorne 343-350, Tibbals 384-395; C&S: Weitz 351-365; C&S: Duran 297-310 BB:  Perry



Race and Gender are socially constructed and can contribute to the roles and identities of people. Both seem to be rooted biologically, but there is a lot more to both of them than genes and DNA.  The categories of Male, Female, Black, White, Asian, Hispanic, etc.  are constructed. In some other cultures, seven different genders are recognized instead of just the two we tend to recognize in the United States. Historically, who is considered Black has been constructed as well; there has been the rule that “one-drop” of African American blood can cause a person to be considered Black instead of White (or a different race). Why is President Barak Obama considered Black when he is just as much White as he is Black?

Through interaction and personal displays, we reproduce and challenge societal norms of gender. Kids on the playground engage in borderwork (as discussed by Thorne) to define who they are and their differences based on whether they are boys or girls. They interact and establish those differences, thereby recreating gender stereotypes. When interacting with one another, their group identities (boys or girls) seem to take precedence over their own identities as individuals with particular names.

 Women in the workplace also do things to resist and establish gender norms. They present themselves in certain ways, embracing what is feminine as they style their hair and dress themselves even as they try to resist gender expectations. Tibbals discusses how waitresses and servers wear trendy belts and modify their uniforms and take on traditional feminine behavior to resist degendered norms placed on them by their employers. Women also use their hair to show power and position in public. Weitz argues that they use it to resist the idea that they are subordinate, but that they are also limited in their displays and resistance because they use traditionally feminine styles.

            The idea that hair and bodily displays have meanings and reflect personal identities and status is reflected in pop culture. I found this online quiz (one of many) that tells what your hair says about you and what your ideal hairstyle is. It is interesting as it shows both power and limits, as Weitz describes in her article. The quiz can be found at http://www.allthetests.com/quiz06/dasquiztd.php3?testid=1058749295.

Wednesday, November 2, 2011

Week 11: Halloween/Urban Legends, Institutional Selves, Prejudice/Discrimination

BB: Best & Horiuchi; C&S: Goffman 399-407 BB: Fox; BB: Blumer

               Society works to construct the identity of others and others’ selves. In the case of Halloween and urban legends, one story needs only to be taken slightly out of context or exaggerated for people to imagine and create it. Best and Horiuchi discuss the “Halloween sadist” who supposedly poisons kids’ candy, puts razor blades in it, and commits other crimes on Halloween. He strikes fear into people. Though there are some short reports on things like that happening during Halloween, for the most part they were few and specifically directed crimes intended for specific individuals—not to cause havoc among many families and threaten all children. This social problem is socially constructed through word-of-mouth spreading of the stories, through the media, and through responses of other individuals such as politicians. Urban legends tend to reflect wider beliefs in society and have a purpose. The fear of the Halloween sadist reflects old fears of ghosts during Halloween and reinforces the fear of strangers in today’s modern society where we don’t know our neighbor as well.
               We discussed in class how our world is increasingly privatized as we stay indoors more often and look online more for our social interaction. We fear strangers. We don’t know our neighbors. The website Nextdoor, as discussed in the article “Nextdoor launches to bring your real neighborhood online” (http://gigaom.com/2011/10/26/nextdoor-social-network/), reflects this. It allows people to get to know their neighbors, who they can borrow a cup of sugar from, and figure out what to do in an emergency all without ever really meeting or talking face-to-face with the person across the street or next door.

Wednesday, October 26, 2011

Week 10: Goffman, Electronic Identities

C&S: Gergen 182-188, Waskul 200-209; C&S: Wolkomir & Powers 219-232
              
               Online we use many of Goffman’s theorized techniques to give off a certain impression of who we are. Whether it’s on a social dating site like OK Cupid or a social networking site, we use certain words and specific pictures to manage our identity online. We can construct many ‘selves’ online, but in order for them to be successful, they must align with prior knowledge that others have of us (for those that know us from elsewhere too). There have been several occasions where my friends have made up new people online on Facebook and have requested to be my friend. They retrieve a picture from elsewhere, make up a name, and make up information about this ‘person,’ including likes and dislikes. Many people fell for this scam and believed it was a new girl at the school, when in reality it was a guy who made a second Facebook profile just to mess with people. Another friend of mine temporarily switched his online identity by changing his name, photo, and information to match up with a Muppets character. Everyone knew it wasn’t actually a Muppet that we were friends with, but he did a good enough job covering up his own information and giving off the Muppet’s identity that it took a really long time for others to figure it out.
I, too, have done things to alter my cyberself and self-presentation. My friend and I once traded profile pictures and changed our names to match that of the other person. For twelve hours or so, I was no longer myself online and instead I was my friend. It was interesting to see how our other friends responded to this—they actually believed I was my friend. They would tag us in photos (as the other person), messaged us thinking we were who we said we were, and continued to respond and interact with us in ways that only helped to construct who we were online as the other person.
This website called My Fake Wall (http://myfakewall.com/) allows you to create fake profiles and make up a person. It uses pictures and names to construct a different online identity or person.